site.btaMedia Review: May 28, 2025

POLITICS

All dailies report that Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) co-chair and Democracy, Rights and Freedoms – MRF parliamentary group (DRF–MRF) floor leader Dzhevdet Chakarov meets Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) – New Beginning leader Delyan Peevski and resigns his position as MRF co-chair, while MRF – New Beginning proclaims that the two politicians “decide to close the page of division and confrontation” so that “MRF can emerge united and stronger than ever”.

The DRF–MRF parliamentary group immediately counters that “there can be no unification,” calling the resignation “a miserable personal capitulation to Peevski”; DRF-MRF MPs urge Chakarov to vacate both the group and the National Assembly, arguing that he has “betrayed the cause, 200,000 voters and the trust of MRF former honorary chair Ahmed Dogan”.

“This is a unilateral act… we are not going to simply embrace and pretend that we are somehow united now,” DRF-MRF MP Ramadan Atalay says.

Trud notes that, on May 22, Sofia City Court freezes the corporate shares of Chakarov’s son, Sami, as part of an anti-corruption probe; prosecutors do not specify the suspected offence, and DRF–MRF deputies link the legal pressure to Chakarov’s decision.

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24 Chasa further reports that, according to unofficial information, Dzhevdet Chakarov and Delyan Peevski have been holding talks “for some time”, and people close to Ahmed Dogan learn “a day or two” in advance that Chakarov will announce his resignation on Tuesday, so they convene their parliamentary group early.

The newspaper notes that on May 15 Dogan assumes an operational role by heading a newly created Chairmanship Council within the Central Operational Bureau “to assist leader Dzhevdet Chakarov and the collective leadership”; loyal figures such as former Kardzhali mayor Hasan Azis, MEP Ilhan Kyuchyuk and youth leader Tanzer Yuseinov join the body, and Dogan personally conducts a seven-hour bureau meeting.

Chakarov’s withdrawal is then declared by the MRF – New Beginning press office after a “deep and constructive conversation” with Peevski “to close the page of division and confrontation” and seek “unity in the name of the people and the integrity of the party”. Although neither politician appears in public, the release says this is “the only way to ensure that all commitments and expectations of the voters are met.”

Because the court has not yet ruled on the party split, 24 Chasa points out that, de facto and de jure, Peevski remains the sole leader of MRF.

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24 Chasa writes a background on how Peevski spends ten months in 2024 and 2025, being “several moves ahead”, slowly attracting about 40 mayors and dozens of local party branches, while Ahmed Dogan’s faction does little beyond trying to extort posts from the governing coalition and finally ends up isolated from power.

The daily recalls that the first public crack appears in July, when Dogan “recommends” that MPs reject Rosen Zhelyazkov’s nomination for prime minister; Peevski defies him and replies that he will follow “the will of the people”. Of the 45 MRF MPs, only 14 vote against forming a regular GERB-mandated cabinet and one abstains—every one of them close to Dogan—whereas the rest back Zhelyazkov and are branded Euro-Atlantic supporters by Peevski. The failure to form a cabinet leads to the premature dissolution of the 50th National Assembly and splits the party.

In August 2024 Dogan tries to convene the Central Operational Bureau to expel Peevski and his "New Beginning" allies; they ignore the move, arguing that the bureau cannot depose the chair under the statute. Three months later Peevski uses a Central Council session to expel Dogan and his supporters, the newspaper notes.

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Capital reports that Delyan Peevski becomes the sole leader and legal owner of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) brand after co-chair Dzhevdet Chakarov, who heads Ahmed Dogan’s faction, meets him on Tuesday, May 27, 2025, and resigns.

The daily notes that Chakarov’s move comes “days after charges are brought against his son and the Sofia City Court freezes his stakes in more than forty companies”. Capital stresses that the resignation lands exactly when the Supreme Court of Cassation hears Dogan’s appeal against an earlier ruling that refuses to strike Peevski and his allies from the MRF register—“a decision now rendered pointless”, the paper says.

Peevski’s press office releases a handshake photograph and declares that the two men hold a “a deep and constructive conversation” and decide to “close the page of division and confrontation”.

“Unity in the name of the people and the integrity of the party is the only path that will guarantee the fulfilment of all commitments and expectations placed by the voters,” the statement adds.

MRF-DRF meets in emergency session and rejects any reconciliation. MEP Ilhan Kyuchuk says, "We absolutely refuse to align ourselves with corrupt political figures, and we will not share a platform with those who undermine democracy. Delyan Peevski did not create his own political party; instead, he took over the name and legacy of a party that has existed for 35 years."

Chakarov files to leave the DRF–MRF parliamentary group but not the National Assembly, making him an independent MP. Deputy National Assembly Chair Hayri Sadakov takes over the faction. Capital notes that Dogan’s bloc retains eighteen MPs, and Peevski’s bloc has twenty-nine, so the split remains intact.

The paper recalls mounting pressure inside Dogan’s structures: local activists criticize Chakarov, while Peevski courts mayors—even in Razgrad and Silistra, where Dogan’s slate beats MRF – New Beginning at the polls. Two weeks earlier Dogan forms a chair council to shore up unity, and ten days ago his faction loses its long-time Sofia headquarters after Peevski secures the MRF court registration and swiftly receives new offices from the caretaker cabinet.

Since the intra-party “war” began, Dzhevdet Chakarov’s son, Sami Chakarov, has faced constant attacks from media aligned with Peevski. The nature of the charges against him remains unclear; the Anti-Corruption Commission has released no details, and the Prosecution Service has not confirmed bringing him in as a defendant. Capital recalls that the last time the commission spoke publicly—at the start of the Peevski–Dogan clash last summer—it highlighted an unsecured Bulgarian Development Bank loan to Roadway Construction, a case in which businessman Rumen “The Wolf” Gaytanski, seen as very close to Dogan, was indicted.

Capital highlights that asset freeze ordered by Sofia City Court on Chakarov’s son Sami, an investor in the major solar park Verila, fits what it calls Peevski’s “tested arsenal” of using State coercion against opponents’ relatives. Capital reminds readers that similar tactics have hit the families of former banker Tsvetan Vassilev, entrepreneur Grisha Ganchev and others over the years.

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24 Chasa also reports that Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria (CC-DB) Co-chair Kiril Petkov writes that “the blackmail must have been terrifying for Dzhevdet Chakarov to yield to it”. Petkov adds that young members inside ARF “will not want to continue to represent the poorest voters with monstrously rich party leaders such as Peevski, a core part of the corruption machine”.

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Mediapool.bg reports that GERB leader Boyko Borissov brushes aside talk that Peevski could seize control of his party with prosecutorial help. “I have taken a photo with Peevski, along with Kiril Petkov and [Volodimir] Zelenskyy,” Borissov says, adding, “He has as much influence in my party as I have in his.” He points out that “one vote more or less will not make a difference” and says that each leader should focus on their own responsibilities.

CC-DB MP Nikolay Denkov warns that, after Peevski “went right through Dogan previously, then did the same to Dzhevdet Chakarov,” Borissov or the people around him may be next. Denkov argued that the threat hangs over those dependent on the Prosecution Service. Denkov says Borissov has stopped making decisions on his own, which, according to Denkov, hinders attempts to break up the Borissov-Peevski model and move Bulgaria toward real European standards.

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Dnevnik also covers the resignation of Chakarov. The daily notes that reconciliation between DRF-MRF and MRF – New Beginning in the National Assembly is not possible because Article 15 of the National Assembly’s rules bars non-aligned MPs from forming groups and forbids existing parliamentary groups from merging.

Dnevnik recalls that since November the DRF–MRF faction loyal to Ahmed Dogan has been building local structures for “a new liberal, democratic party” to be launched once the Supreme Court case ends.

Dogan himself will stay outside the project but back it. Insiders say the search is on for a chair who is “young, educated, with established trust and a Turkish name”, with MEP Ilhan Kyuchyuk cited unofficially; “we tried with a Bulgarian Christian, but the experience was bitter,” a source tells Dnevnik.

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Mediapool.bg also reports that Ivaylo Mirchev of Yes, Bulgaria! likens the images of Dzhevdet Chakarov with Delyan Peevski to “a hostage crisis”, adding, “Peevski has become the head of a photo-op stage,” and warning that “Boyko Borissov might be the next one on the stage.”

Mirchev argues Peevski “puts pressure on mayors and entire parties using institutions as cudgels; in the end they kiss his ring and pose for the photo-op”, claiming this concentrates political life in a single “monster”. CC co-chair Kiril Petkov echoes that Chakarov “looked like he had been abducted by terrorists”.

Mirchev notes that the parliamentary majority remains the same but warns that without public opposition, Bulgaria could face an authoritarian regime similar to Hungary’s.

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Telegraph and Dnevnik write that Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov rules out reopening the euro debate, insisting, “The time for political debate on the euro was in 1997; the government will not enter one now.” He argues that Bulgaria’s fixed exchange rate is “a huge advantage” and lists the adopted euro-introduction law, the long-standing coordination mechanism and the updated 2023 national plan as proof that “responsible institutions know exactly where Bulgaria stands”. Zhelyazkov notes that conflicts between institutions only create fear: “We do not need a debate that manipulates people and breeds fears.” On prices he warns, “The State will be intolerant of speculative pricing” and confirms upcoming cooperation with the Competition Commission.

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24 Chasa reports that CC-DB MP Atanas Atanasov calls President Rumen Radev “an ordinary Russian troll” as Bulgaria moves towards the euro. "He has been influenced from the very start; the people around him work for the Russians and guide his actions. Through these channels, his orders come from somewhere far from Moscow, and a plan is triggered," Atanasov says.

Atanasov recalls that on Thursday Radev makes “a heavy suggestion” that prices will rise after adoption of the euro. “This is done to create public attitudes against the euro. Which Radev should I believe – President Radev or [Bulgarian National Bank] Governor Radev?” Atanasov adds.

He argues that the Head of State’s persistent claim that Bulgarians will be robbed after joining the eurozone is “a special operation to create public sentiments” and forms “absolute grounds for impeachment”, though he doubts whether enough MPs would back such a move.

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BNR reported that both governing and opposition parties criticized President Rumen Radev after he warned that the euro’s convergence report could spur inflation and higher prices.

GERB leader Boyko Borissov reminded listeners that Radev had signed the euro-introduction law on 19 August 2024 and “bore responsibility for impoverishment” through the caretaker cabinet’s gas deal with Turkiye’s BOTAS. Borissov said the public and the institutions would cope with any price speculation: “Anyone who tries to speculate will be met by the full force of the law.” He added "because of the BOTAS contract, we lose BGN 1,050,000 every day."

MRF-New Beginning leader Delyan Peevski called the president’s stance “populism” and “preparation for a future political project”, urging broader powers for the competition and consumer watchdogs: “The CPC and CPCP need to control prices. The charlatans, especially their leader, are trying to provoke the public.”

Yes, Bulgaria! co-chair Bozhidar Bozhanov said Radev “continued to spread unfounded fear”, noting that recent inflation in Europe had not stemmed from the eurozone. Bozhanov’s colleague, Ivaylo Mirchev, added that if Radev cared about prices he “should not have signed the BOTAS deal, which saddles Bulgaria with at least BGN 6 billion over 13 years.”

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Nova TV reported that CC-DB MP Martin Dimitrov said GERB-UDF had promised a European centre-right, yet behaved like a Balkan left, citing higher social-security contributions, plans for State-run stores, and BGN 8 billion channelled through state-owned enterprises. He argued that GERB-UDF is now faced with an identity problem.

Dimitrov maintained that an unseen power structure still drove Bulgarian politics and that judicial reform had sought to end the use of certain institutions as truncheons. He added that Dzhevdet Chakarov could not politically explain why he had turned from Peevski’s foe to ally overnight, implying other pressures were at play.

On the new Competition Protection Commission, Dimitrov said he expected little from chair Rosen Karadimov, criticizing Karadimov’s talk of price caps and noting that Hungary’s own cap had produced the EU’s highest inflation. Bulgaria, he said, needed a regulator that truly defended competition, which the new CPC did not provide.

On the topic of the euro, Dimitrov called adoption a national goal that CC-DB pursued with all our strength, and claimed GERB-UDF had wavered on the issue until coalition partners pressed them.

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Telegraph reports out that Bulgarian parties raise only BGN 4.78 million from membership fees in 2024, an analysis by the Institute for Public Environment Development shows, and remarks that parties “survive mainly on State subsidies”.

The daily notes that 126 political formations file annual accounts declaring a total income just above BGN 36.5 million, almost 47% of which comes from the State grant available to parties clearing the 1% (or 4% for coalitions) electoral threshold. Fifty-nine parties declare no income at all.

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Membership fees rank third among revenue sources: only 44 formations report such income. Among parties in the 51st National Assembly GERB tops the list with BGN 2.153 million, followed by BSP with BGN 978,000 and MRF – New Beginning with BGN 794,000. The three CC-DB partners together collect BGN 198,000; Velichie declares BGN 183,000, while There Is Such a People (TISP) reports BGN 29,000. Agricultural People’s Union, whose registration is used by the DRF-MRF group, lists BGN 5,000, and both Vazrazhdane and MECh (Morality, Unity, Honour) report zero.

Total expenditure amounts to just over BGN 36.2 million: close to BGN 15 million for external services, BGN 8.78 million for salaries and social security contributions, and BGN 8.55 million for election costs.

Only 23 parties report having staff. GERB-UDF has the highest spending at BGN 2.65 million, followed by Continue the Change (CC) with BGN 1.89 million, BSP with BGN 1.76 million, and MRF – New Beginning with BGN 1.86 million.
Smaller amounts are reported by Democratic Bulgaria (DB) (BGN 515,000) and Democrats for Strong Bulgaria (BGN 218,000), while Vazrazhdane reports no spending.

ECONOMY

Trud says economist Vladimir Sirkarov tells Euronews Bulgaria that he is “sincerely surprised by President Radev’s active interference against the euro,” calling the move purely political and lacking any economic rationale. He argues that fears of runaway inflation after the convergence report are baseless: “Even if prices round up in the short term, this is a speculative, not structural, effect,” he adds. Sirkarov notes that everyday life “will not change radically” once Bulgaria joins the single currency, pointing out that major purchases are already negotiated in EUR and that Bulgarians shop online, travel in the eurozone and hold bank accounts in the currency. “We already live with the euro in our pocket – just unofficially,” he says.

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Duma reports that Interior Minister Daniel Mitov orders an immediate review of a tender for a "National preventive campaign for children on road safety" that includes buying 30,000 icons. The ministry says the probe will “clarify the manner in which the tender is announced and its expediency”, after which Mitov will decide whether to cancel the order.

Deputy Prime Minister and Transport Minister Grozdan Karadjov calls the plan “drastic stupidity”, adding, “None of us would approve such a thing… spending from the Road Safety Fund must be carried out under the coordination of the State Road Safety Agency.”

The tender, valued at BGN 420,000, also includes the supply of 30,000 yellow bags, 15,000 beach balls, 50,000 balloons, 30,000 blue pens, and 1,000 badges to support road safety efforts, the daily reports. The badges must have a diameter between 4 cm and 5 cm, be made from shatter-resistant material, and be self-adhesive.

Duma notes that the Road Safety Fund collected over BGN 350 million from 2021 to November 2024. In the past, some unusual measures were tried, such as a mayor spreading sugar on the roads to reduce accidents.

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BNR reported on Wednesday morning that Interior Minister Daniel Mitov said the controversial tender for icons and balloons, intended to curb road-traffic injuries, had been launched during Kiril Petkov’s cabinet, when Boyko Rashkov headed the ministry and Lena Borislavova served as spokesperson. Mitov added that the ministry would review the order and replace the listed items.

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Bulgarian National Television (BNT), bTV and Nova TV reported that Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov gave the Road Police, the toll administration, and the State Road Safety Agency a one-month deadline: improve road-safety enforcement or face restructuring. Speaking before the Cabinet meeting on Wednesday, Zhelyazkov said results had to be “visible to the public” and assigned Deputy PM Grozdan Karadjov to coordinate the effort.

Zhelyazkov set three tasks: the Interior Ministry’s regional directorates would meet on Friday to draft measures; within a month the national road-safety coordination centre had to be restored; and proposals were required to upgrade that centre’s work. He added that recent accidents have shown that the current response “reacted ad hoc and situationally” and expressed hope the warning would “trigger the administration’s survival instinct.”

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Duma provides analysis of a report from the National Statistical Institute, which shows that 1.062 million Bulgarians aged 15–64 are economically inactive. Of these, 42.9% are not working because they are studying or in training. This means over 600,000 people in this age group are neither working nor studying. The number of inactive men is just over 464,000, while inactive women are nearly 600,000, representing 26.7% of the group. In 2024, the total number of economically inactive people in this age range is about 1.04 million, with women continuing to outnumber men.

The institute reports that “the good news is that the number of discouraged persons has dropped significantly”: just over 14,000 Bulgarians—1.3% of the inactive population—now want work but are not actively looking for it, compared to almost 31,000 a year earlier. The number of discouraged men has decreased to 8,500 from nearly 18,000, while the number of discouraged women has fallen to just under 6,000 from 12,900.

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Telegraph reports that competition-watchdog chief Rosen Karadimov announces “the time for talk is over” as the Commission for Protection of Competition launches urgent steps to block “speculative price rises” around the euro switch. He plans joint action with the consumer-protection agency, unions and other regulators and vows, “There is not a single speculative market that is stronger than the State.”

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BNR and BNT reported that the latest Eurobarometer survey, carried out in March–April 2025, showed record-high backing for the euro across the EU at 74% and 83% within the euro-area countries themselves. In Bulgaria, however, only 43% of respondents supported joining the single currency, a drop of four percentage points from the October–November 2024 poll, while 51% opposed the move, two points higher than in the previous survey.

SOCIETY

Trud and 24 Chasa report that road-safety advocate Diana Rusinova says she is willing to lead the Road Infrastructure Agency (RIA) after Regional Development Minister Ivan Ivanov invited her to do so by text message he sent on Monday, May 19, 2025. “I accept to be chair because in Bulgaria everyone runs from responsibility and I am not a person who will hide,” Rusinova says, adding, “This inaction kills us… I take this responsibility in the name of Bulgarian society.” She notes that she first dismisses the offer as “unserious”, then learns on Sunday, May 25, that the minister is indeed serious and files a formal acceptance letter, while warning, “I hope the Minister has not tried to undermine me, assuming that I would not accept this responsibility.”

At the same press conference, Nikolay Popov, father of 12-year-old road-crash victim Siyana, announces a “coalition against the war on the roads”. “Today we declare war on the road-safety management system in the country; it is rotten, non-functioning, badly organized,” Popov says. He invites media, NGOs and transport bodies to join and argues that after six governments “things happen very slowly, with a lot of talking.” Citing another weekend with “more than seven or eight lorry incidents,” he demands the resignations of State Agency Road Safety head Malina Krumova, Interior Ministry road-police chief Miltenov, and the RIA leadership.

Hours later Ivanov withdraws his invitation in a Facebook post, writing, “Serious proposals are made only once.” Rusinova answers on television that “Mr. Ivanov mocked not just the NGO sector, he also mocked road safety,” insisting that she stands ready to lead the troubled agency.

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24 Chasa reports that demographer Stoyanka Cherkezova says Bulgaria’s population will keep ageing at the current pace until 2035, then the process will intensify through 2058, moving far more people into the older-age group. She recalls that in the past sixty years the average age has risen from 30 to 47, placing the country among the fastest-ageing nations. “When a country’s population declines, it is compensated by foreigners who arrive and stay,” Cherkezova says, adding that once Bulgaria attains a sufficiently high quality of life it will attract migrants who, although lacking Bulgarian self-identity, “will take part in the economy and public life and will be part of the country”. She insists that such immigration “will not disrupt but support” demographic dynamics by easing labour shortages and warns that sharper ageing after 2035 will strain pensions, health care and other sectors.

CRIME

Trud and 24 Chasa report that the Interior Ministry and the prosecution launch a nationwide crackdown on youth gangs known as lokali. Acting Interior Ministry secretary Miroslav Rashkov says, “We ordered a complex of measures across the country to prevent cases of violence by youth groups.”

Acting Prosecutor General Borislav Sarafov tells senior Sofia prosecutors and police chiefs that “these acts of violence rightfully outrage society; the state must react immediately with concrete actions,” adding that investigators will use CCTV footage and will request pre-trial detention whenever evidence allows.

Sofia Regional prosecutor Svetlana Dimitrova notes that five incidents are investigated in the past week and stresses, “The prosecution and the Interior Ministry start a serious fight against these offenders. We will be uncompromising.”

Prosecutor Nikolay Nikolaev urges parents to take action, warning, “When a young person is marked as ‘convicted’ on their criminal record, it can harm their future.”

Police presence increases in high-risk areas, and every violent incident on the streets will be reported to prosecutors, who will seek charges even when the suspects are minors.