site.btaMedia Review: June 27

POLITICS

All dailies write that former deputy mayor of Sofia Nikola Barbutov has been remanded in custody. Businessman Petar Rafailov is also detained under the same charges. The Sofia City Court cites Barbutov’s status as a public figure with political ties as grounds for the measure.

Prosecutors charge Barbutov with participating in an organized criminal group with Rafailov and municipal employee Sonya Klisurska, who is released on BGN 10,000 bail. Rafailov’s company allegedly sought a contract for a kindergarten expansion in Mladost, with help from Klisurska. The court calls on the prosecution to specify the bribe amount.

The article also reports on an audio recording sent to media outlets, allegedly featuring Barbutov and Lyulin district mayor Georgi Todorov. A BNT reporter claims the Counter-Corruption Commission recorded it, but prosecutors say they obtained it independently from an online outlet and will test its authenticity. Todorov confirms the conversation.

24 Chasa adds that Prosecutor Doycho Tarev says no special surveillance methods were used in the investigation. The prosecution retrieved the widely circulated recording of Barbutov and Lyulin mayor Georgi Todorov from the internet, not from the Counter-Corruption Commission.

Earlier, BNT had reported the recording was made by the Commission as part of a corruption probe into the Sofia Municipality, allegedly after breaching the phones of Continue the Change mayors.

Tarev leaves open the possibility that Todorov made the recording himself and distributed it anonymously. Todorov denies this but confirms the content of the conversation.

Deputy mayor of Mladost Daniel Mihalev testifies that Rafailov introduced himself as Barbutov’s representative and inquired about a BGN 4.9 million kindergarten renovation tender. The defence argues the tenders never started, no money changed hands, and offering expert help is not a crime.

The article notes that Rafailov referred to Klisurska as "my girl for the tenders" and that she has been released on BGN 10,000 bail. Barbutov has not commented.

It also notes that witnesses claim 6% of municipal contracts were expected to go to “the Tsar” – a reference to Continue the Change’s office on Tsar Osvoboditel Boulevard. In this context, the report describes Kiril Petkov’s resignation as understandable, while Assen Vassilev’s decision to remain in office is viewed as unexpected.

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24 Chasa writes that the coalition of Continue the Change (CC) and Democratic Bulgaria (DB) remains intact despite corruption scandals and the resignation of Kiril Petkov. The resignation is described as a reasonable and responsible step towards rebuilding trust. Co-chair of Yes, Bulgaria, Ivaylo Mirchev, says the coalition council will decide on further action and stresses the coalition will not fall apart for the sake of GERB Leader Boyko Borissov and Movement for Rights and Freedoms Chair Delyan Peevski.

Chair of the Sofia Municipal Council Tsvetomir Petrov, also from CC, apologizes to voters on behalf of the party, saying responsibility must be taken even for suspicions of corruption involving deputy mayors. Petrov adds that he was unaware of pressure being exerted on district mayors and councillors. Two district mayors and several councillors who have left the party call for the entire leadership to follow Petkov’s example.

The article notes that Assen Vassilev remains silent and does not attend Parliament on Thursday. Despite this, he is expected to lead the party until the end-of-year congress, where a new chair will be elected. The national council will meet on Sunday to decide the next steps.

Former deputy finance minister Georgi Klisurski and other party members also resign. Petkov’s resignation as MP has not yet reached the National Assembly’s registry.

No further resignations from the leadership are expected. GERB leader Boyko Borissov sees this as positive, claiming that the longer figures like Lena Borislavova, whose name was also involved in the scandal, stay in the party, the more support shifts to GERB.

Borissov confirms his willingness to talk with CC-DB about a joint presidential candidate. He says victory in the presidential race should appeal to voters who support a European path and a strong, law-based state. He singles out Assen Vassilev as someone who should not disappoint these voters.

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24 Chasa writes that political analyst Ognyan Minchev links the resignation of Kiril Petkov to a serious breach within CC, following corruption investigations related to Sofia Municipality. Minchev says the move likely aims to limit political damage and calls it a response to an internal crisis, not a coincidence.

Minchev sees the silence from figures like CC-DB MPs Assen Vassilev, Lena Borislavova, and Nikolay Denkov as a sign that Petkov’s resignation is meant to contain the scandal, though the crisis remains unresolved, with more departures likely.

He blames the turmoil on the party’s fragile internal structure and overreliance on its anti-corruption image, saying it lacks stable leadership and depends on informal networks. He also criticizes its political radicalism, arguing that effective change requires compromise and strategic partnerships—something the party avoids.

Minchev expects the upcoming national council to lead to restructuring and clearer leadership. He believes the CC-DB coalition might hold, though early elections could affect its future. For the presidential vote, he rules out a formal alliance with Borissov and sees DB possibly running its own candidate, even without CC.

***

Mediapool.bg reports that following Kiril Petkov’s resignation, several more members of Continue the Change quit the party, citing disappointment, broken principles, and deepening internal crises.

Former deputy finance minister Georgi Klisurski is among the first to leave, posting, “I am leaving Continue the Change. Disappointed and disgusted.” Constitutional law lecturer Stoil Mollov also resigns, calling for more departures beyond Petkov’s, saying, “There are at least three more people who have made the party and the democratic community a laughingstock.”

Political analyst Emil Sokolov writes, “I will not comment for now. Good luck to the decent people who remain — they’ll need it.” He later adds that problems ignored for two years are no longer issues but have become norms: “I have nothing constructive to say. That’s why I’m leaving.”

Deputy mayor of Mladost Daniel Mihalev posts a detailed explanation, describing how the party’s central leadership ignored local structures and bypassed internal rules. “As our local structure grew stronger, the leadership’s interest weakened,” he writes, adding that misconduct was left unaddressed and critical voices were marginalized. “The leadership closed in on itself… Many of the best people left in silence, with dignity.”

Mihalev also criticizes the response to recent corruption allegations, saying the party used troll networks and avoided accountability. “Power should serve, not cover up,” he writes. Though he leaves the party, he remains deputy mayor of Mladost to continue serving the public.

Deputy mayor of Lyulin Mircho Stoyanov also resigns, citing “deep disappointment and a retreat from the principles that brought me in nearly four years ago.” He too remains in his municipal role.

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Mediapool.bg writes that sociologist Parvan Simeonov sees the corruption scandal in Continue the Change as politically unresolved, with the full impact yet to emerge. He argues the party’s structure is weak, functioning more as a network than a true organization, lacking cohesion and control. “That’s part of the problem,” he says.

He sees Democratic Bulgaria’s response as wise, allowing it to assert more influence in the coalition and possibly take a leading role. CC’s support, he notes, is broad but fragile, and easily lost during crises.

Simeonov calls for a legal review of the leaked recording allegedly involving Nikola Barbutov and warns that efforts to build a political clientele risk accusations of corruption. He expects more resignations and suggests Kiril Petkov may be “rehabilitated” in public perception.

He sees the scandal as a blow to the party’s core anti-corruption identity, and says Democratic Bulgaria may, at times, find more ideological overlap with GERB. While he doubts early elections are likely, he warns that Borisov’s ambitions and Peevski’s growing influence could shift the political landscape.

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Nova TV reported that political analysts and media commentators discussed the deepening crisis in CC following a wave of resignations, leaked recordings, and internal tensions. Political scientist Tatyana Bukurdzhieva and PR expert Georgi Kurtev said the party lacked structure and stable relationships at its core.

Kurtev remarked that the swift institutional reaction to the leaked audio suggested the situation had been planned and warned that the party’s decline in public support would likely continue. Bukurdzhieva added that the party’s public image was collapsing and that a gradual withdrawal of local representatives had already begun.

The experts predicted that CC’s disillusioned supporters were unlikely to shift to other parties but would instead abstain from voting in future elections.

Journalist Eduard Papazyan said those now leaving CC were the same people who protested in 2021, many of whom were idealists now disappointed by the lack of real change. He also noted the possible influence of external pressure but stressed that frustration remained the main driver. Papazyan argued that CC functioned more as a movement than a structured party.

Journalist Lyudmil Iliev agreed the situation should not yet be called “political death” but said the party was clearly in decline. He pointed to signs of internal breakdown, citing earlier tensions and removals of figures like Yavor Bozhankov and Daniel Lorer. Iliev concluded that both CC and DB were now minor political forces.

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Dnevnik writes that in democratic politics there are no saints, and those who present themselves as anti-corruption apostles risk setting impossible standards. The article argues that CC must abandon such self-perceptions, as no party is immune to compromise or internal flaws. When corruption scandals arise, they expose not only individual misconduct but also the lack of structure and cohesion in fast-growing movements.

The piece traces the democratic community’s repeated crises through various political projects—from UDF and DSB to Yes, Bulgaria and Continue the Change—each cycling through enthusiasm, disappointment, and fragmentation. These cycles, the article says, often bring in untested people while sidelining experienced ones, weakening party resilience and deepening internal divisions.

Dnevnik calls for maturity within the democratic bloc: rather than another split or new party, CC and DB should continue as a coalition. But serious reform is needed within CC to survive the crisis and prevent mass defections. The article urges a shift from symbolic leadership to disciplined, goal-oriented political work.

The piece also warns that weakening democratic representation risks turning it into a facade for the corrupt status quo.

Finally, Dnevnik comments on Boyko Borissov’s idea of a joint presidential bid with CC and DB. It views this as a strategic trap that could neutralize the coalition’s anti-corruption message and hand it to President Radev—or shelve it altogether.

***

Capital writes that Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) Chair Delyan Peevski positions his party to become Bulgaria’s second political force, potentially forming a ruling tandem with GERB Leader Boyko Borissov. A new poll by the recently restructured Gallup International places MRF second after GERB, pushing out MRF former honorary chair Ahmed Dogan and the former MRF faction loyal to him (Democracy, Rights and Freedoms), while support for CC-DB declines.

The article suggests the survey, released in sync with Borissov’s offhand remark that he will become prime minister “whenever he wants,” is part of a broader narrative to normalize the prospect of a Peevski–Borissov government. The current minority government under Rosen Zhelyazkov already enacts Peevski’s agenda, and his growing influence over local authorities, key regulators, and judiciary signals a consolidation of power.

Despite Peevski’s visible dominance, Borissov still controls GERB’s electoral machinery, which Peevski needs to expand his reach. If snap elections are called—possibly in the autumn—the goal may be to install Borissov as prime minister just ahead of Bulgaria’s entry into the eurozone. Such a scenario, however, would come at the cost of GERB’s autonomy, further cementing Peevski’s grip on power.

The article underscores how Peevski’s tactics rely on dominating rural municipalities, where voter mobilization is easily influenced through budget incentives or prosecutorial pressure. In past elections, this approach already proved effective, with key municipalities receiving BGN 85 million after supporting Peevski’s then-faction of MRF – New Beginning. A post-election audit revealed large-scale vote irregularities benefiting Peevski’s bloc—none of which triggered legal consequences.

Capital notes that any new election could further expand Peevski’s control, both institutionally and economically. His public image is already beyond reputational risk, and state institutions increasingly act as extensions of his agenda. Proposals from Peevski result in swift action by regulatory bodies, such as the competition watchdog’s inquiry into Lukoil or the quiet allocation of nearly BGN 1 billion for municipal funding through the State Development Bank.

Other polling agencies dispute Gallup’s findings, placing MRF between third and fourth place, but acknowledge Peevski’s increasing regional presence and institutional leverage. Sociologist Dobromir Zhivkov of Market Links says Peevski may push for early elections to boost his weight in Parliament and become GERB’s main coalition partner.

Low voter turnout remains the crucial condition for this scenario. Peevski’s strategy focuses on micro-level mobilization in small towns and Roma communities, where his influence is strongest. If high turnout disrupts that dynamic, CC-DB or other challengers could blunt his momentum.

Commenting on the broader implications, political analysts warn that democratic legitimacy is at risk if elections are shaped by compromised institutions and controlled voting blocs. According to Dimitar Ganev of Trend, neither GERB, BSP – United Left, There Is Such a People (TISP), nor Peevski’s faction has a real interest in early elections this year, particularly if a new political project around President Rumen Radev materializes.

Capital concludes that Peevski is already acting as a co-governing figure, and whether elections are held soon or not, the trajectory suggests deepening centralization of power. If voter turnout remains low, his rise will continue largely unchallenged—raising the prospect of Bulgaria’s next major democratic stress test.

***

Bulgarian National Television (BNT) and Nova TV reported that a heated confrontation took place in Parliament between Vazrazhdane and Movement for Rights and Freedoms – New Beginning (MRF–New Beginning) during Friday’s plenary session.

Speaking on behalf of Vazrazhdane, party leader Kostadin Kostadinov said he had been questioned by police in the National Assembly following a complaint from MRF–New Beginning about his statements against the eurozone. He repeated his remarks from the floor, saying, “We will do everything to bring down the eurozone… It is an enemy to Bulgaria’s economic and financial interests.” Kostadinov also urged the public to join a protest in front of Parliament and ended his declaration with insults directed at MRF–New Beginning and CC-DB, prompting a formal rebuke from Chair of the National Assembly Nataliya Kiselova for improper address toward fellow MPs.

In response, MRF–New Beginning MP Hamid Hamid accused Kostadinov of incitement and lying. “He talked about blowing up the eurozone and bloodshed. GERB are doing everything to protect liars like him, but he will not escape justice,” Hamid said.

***

Mediapool.bg writes that in 2024 the prosecution becomes more active in corruption investigations, but the majority target political opponents of MRF Leader Delyan Peevski. This is the conclusion of a report by the Anti-Corruption Fund (ACF), authored by Andrey Yankulov and Daniela Peneva.

The report notes that institutions show no willingness to investigate high-level corruption in 2023. By contrast, 2024 sees a sudden and focused activation of prosecutorial efforts, with ten new cases initiated—almost all aimed at figures seen as adversaries of Peevski.

The authors point out that the focus of law enforcement shifts entirely towards these cases. After tensions between Peevski and former Movement of Rights and Freedoms honorary chair Ahmed Dogan arise, a case begins against Dzheyhan Ibryamov, who is arrested with marked money. Other investigations follow, including against Dogan-aligned MPs and mayors. Though Parliament initially refuses to lift the MPs’ immunity, the balance of power shifts as Dogan’s group exits the coalition and Peevski’s support becomes decisive.

The report concludes that real high-level corruption remains unaddressed in 2024. ACF Director Boyko Stankushev comments that formally independent anti-corruption bodies continue to serve those in power, and only profound reform of public governance and the rule of law can lead to genuine change.

SOCIETY

Telegraph writes that protests take place in Sofia and Brussels demanding a referendum on the adoption of the euro in Bulgaria. In Sofia, demonstrators block part of the city centre and gather in front of the European Commission building, which is guarded by police and gendarmerie officers.

Protesters call for a national vote on replacing the lev with the euro, claiming that Bulgaria’s readiness report for eurozone membership is falsified.

“This protest is about Bulgaria’s sovereignty. People must be asked whether they agree with such decisions. We fear becoming debtors to countries with over 100% debt-to-GDP,” says Rosen Ivanov.

“We are very unhappy. A referendum is a must. Nobody listens to us Bulgarians. The authorities took power through deception and do not consult the people,” adds Emiliya Aleksandrova.

Meanwhile, a parallel protest takes place in Brussels. Supporters of the party Velichie, led by Ivelin Mihaylov, also call for halting Bulgaria’s accession to the eurozone.

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Duma writes that municipalities will assess unused public buildings, such as closed schools and kindergartens, for possible conversion into elderly care homes. The initiative is agreed by Labour Minister Borislav Gutsanov and the National Association of Municipalities.

The Agency for the Quality of Social Services will inspect proposed sites to ensure they meet regulatory standards. Gutsanov says the plan tackles population ageing and calls the demographic crisis a top national priority.

A meeting with mayors will review progress on 81 elderly home renovations and 254 new services for people with disabilities under the Recovery and Resilience Plan. The ministry secures BGN 367 million to fund these services through 2029.

***

Capital writes that Bulgaria faces a severe and growing shortage of medical nurses, with fewer than 30,000 active nurses for a system that needs twice that number. The crisis stems from years of neglect, inadequate pay, poor working conditions, and the absence of a legal standard for healthcare staffing. The consequences are stark: overburdened nurses, unsafe patient care, and a mass exodus of qualified professionals to Western Europe.

The average nurse in Bulgaria earns between BGN 1,960 and 2,600 per month, often for work shifts with 30 patients and no assistance. By contrast, Austrian nurses earn around EUR 5,000, with significantly better working conditions. The gap in pay and working environment has led to two-thirds of nursing graduates leaving the country immediately after graduation.

According to data from the Institute for Market Economics (IME), there are fewer nurses than doctors in Bulgaria, with just 341 nurses per 100,000 residents—far below the EU average of 786. One in five nurses is already of retirement age, and in some districts entire healthcare regions function with dangerously low staff levels. In hospitals, only 17,000 nurses remain active, while at least 40,000 are needed to ensure round-the-clock care. Without major reform, the system risks collapse.

Nursing associations and trade unions have long protested for decent pay and working standards, but with little political or media response. IME now proposes urgent measures, starting with a doubling of salaries over the next one to two years, along with a separate government-funded salary programme, professional development pathways, and attracting foreign-trained nurses. Even this will not suffice without structural reform.

Additional proposals include shortening the four-year nursing degree to three years, expanding the scope of practice for non-graduate nurses, and allowing them to contract independently with the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF). However, the Ministry of Health remains resistant to such changes. Current efforts to make nursing a "protected profession" and abolish tuition fees have had minimal effect.

At the legislative level, protests have prompted a draft bill from GERB, BSP – United Left, and There Is Such a People (TISP) to tie medical pay to collective bargaining agreements, but critics say this does not guarantee fair wages. The opposition, including CC-DB, supports fixed minimum pay levels for medical professionals and argues the health ministry should regulate them directly.

The long-term solution, IME stresses, lies in restoring trust in the profession. This includes better salaries, career development, fair workload distribution, and a functioning healthcare workforce strategy. A comparison is drawn with the education sector, where wage increases over the past decade reversed the trend of workforce ageing and drew younger teachers into the system.

Without similar action, the combination of a rapidly ageing population and a shrinking nursing workforce may prove disastrous. The country, Capital warns, is reaching a point where the lack of nurses threatens not just the healthcare system, but the health and lives of the Bulgarian population itself.

***

Bulgarian National Radio (BNR) reported that healthcare professionals held protests in several cities, including Sofia, Varna, Vratsa, and Sliven, with others such as Plovdiv, Burgas, and Stara Zagora expected to join later in the day. The demonstrations were part of a broader warning from the Union of Medical Specialists that the healthcare system is collapsing and urgent political decisions are needed.

Union chair Maya Ilieva said that if no change followed the upcoming roundtable discussion on July 2, nationwide protest action would escalate. “A day will come when we won’t go to work, and that day is near,” Ilieva said, adding that the official date would be announced several days in advance. She warned that only drastic measures could shake the State and society into action. “It’s time for something to be done. Protesting while they just make promises without delivering is no longer enough,” she said.

Ilieva assured patients that there was no immediate risk of being left without medical care during the day’s protests. She also commented on the demands of young doctors, residents, and medical students, who also protested, calling for a starting salary 3.5 times the minimum wage, or around BGN 3,300. Ilieva noted that current entry-level pay is typically BGN 1,400–1,500, with some payslips showing as low as BGN 800. “That’s not even worth discussing — it’s an insult to those caring for people’s health,” she said.

She criticized the state for neglecting the sector and accused successive health ministers and parliamentary groups of passing responsibility between each other since 2019. “They all say they support us, but in reality, we remain at the bottom,” Ilieva said.

She also claimed that young specialists were being deliberately kept out of public hospitals, with departments like surgery in Karlovo closing down before hospitals were privatised. “A time may come when only private hospitals exist, and access to medical care will be limited to those who can afford costly treatment,” Ilieva warned.

***

bTV reported that the search for a black leopard roaming Shumen remained unsuccessful after five days. Police confirmed the animal was illegally kept as a private pet and had likely been free for weeks. Its owner had not been identified.

The incident sparked a wave of memes and AI-generated images online, portraying the leopard in humorous scenarios. The animal was linked to Shumen’s Monument to 1300 Years of Bulgaria, where police later found paw prints and closed the area.

Authorities installed over 50 camera traps but captured no clear footage. Experts noted the case highlighted Bulgaria’s black market for exotic animals and called for stricter control and enforcement. Previous similar cases included sightings of a caracal in Plovdiv and an alligator in Sofia.