site.btaMedia Review: April 21

The major Bulgarian media outlets continue to cover the results and aftermath of the April 19 snap parliamentary elections, whose decisive winner is ex-president and former Air Force chief Rumen Radev and the Progressive Bulgaria coalition, which will have a comfortable majority in the next legislature.

Dnevnik: Rumen Radev’s Progressive Bulgaria coalition triumphed in almost all regions of the country. The only exception is Kardzhali (Southeast Bulgaria), where Progressive Bulgaria ranks behind the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) of Delyan Peevski. This is shown by data from the website of the Central Election Commission (CEC) with 100% of tally sheets processed. In eight regions, Radev even secured more than half of the vote, while in most multi-member constituencies he came close to the 50% mark.

In all three Sofia multimember constituencies, Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria ranks second, despite the coalition receiving a higher absolute number of votes compared to the previous parliamentary elections held on October 27, 2024.

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Trud runs a story headlined “Who Did Gen. Z Vote for?” Results from the Alpha Research polling agency show that 34% of voters aged 18–30 cast their ballots for Progressive Bulgaria. Ranking second after Rumen Radev’s formation, with 22% of the youth vote, is CC-DB.

According to analysts, the vote of Generation Z remains fragmented and is not strongly tied to any single political force. The agency notes that many young people voted later in the day, with preferences that are diverse and often driven by attitudes rather than firm party loyalty.
Sociologist Genoveva Petrova commented that although CC–DB receives significant support, it is Progressive Bulgaria that stands out among young voters who actively participated on election day.
Speaking on Bulgarian National Television (BNT) on election night, young people sought to answer the question: “Was the path from the squares to the ballot boxes a long one?” Pavel Simeonov stressed that voting is an act of hope for better future representatives, while Margarita Stoyanovich expressed the view that more experienced politicians should serve as role models.

Student Siana Dimitrova said she cast a preferential vote but chose a more experienced candidate, emphasizing the importance of ideology over personality. Konstantin Milev, in turn, commented that parties often include young faces on their candidate lists without giving them a real chance of being elected.

Flora Stratieva noted that among Generation Z there is a prevailing sense of disappointment combined with high expectations, which are not always realized in elections despite their active participation in protests.

According to a survey by Myara among people who took part in protests at the end of last year, Progressive Bulgaria again leads with more than one-third of the vote, followed by CC–DB with over 26%.

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Capital: The landslide victory of Rumen Radev’s party in Sunday’s parliamentary elections comes with support from all segments of society, regardless of gender, age, education, or whether voters live in urban or rural areas. The same applies to the vote of Bulgarians abroad, where Progressive Bulgaria also secured the largest share - 38% of all votes cast overseas, followed by Continue the Change  - Democratic Bulgaria (CC-DB) with nearly 23%.

The former president’s formation won decisively not only in regional centres, small towns, and villages, but also emerged as the leading force in Sofia, where in recent years the so-called urban right has dominated elections.
After polls closed on Sunday, it also became clear that “Progressive Bulgaria” had managed to mobilize the majority of those who did not vote in previous elections, as well as a large share of voters who remained undecided until the last moment. The party drew support from all political formations represented in the previous National Assembly. It attracted the largest share of votes previously held by the Bulgarian Socialist Party and There Is Such a People (TISP), both of which failed to cross the threshold this time, as well as from Vazrazhdane, which narrowly cleared the [4%] barrier.

In practice, the only formation from the previous parliament that has maintained and even increased its support is Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria. While it also transferred part of its previous electorate to Radev’s party, it succeeded in mobilizing new voters who offset these losses, even achieving a net gain of around 60,000 votes compared to the 2024 election.

GERB and MRF, now dethroned from their positions of power, recorded losses across the board, including a sharp decline in ballots cast for them and a reduced ability to form a joint blocking minority of 80 seats in parliament that could influence key decisions, such as the appointment of a new Supreme Judicial Council and a new Prosecutor General. Together, they will have just 59 MPs.

This unprecedented mobilization reflects not only a strong protest vote against the long-standing political status quo associated with the major losers GERB and MRF, but also high expectations for radical change in the governance of the country.The diverse profile of voters who supported Progressive Bulgaria gives the winners a substantial mandate to fulfil their campaign promises - primarily dismantling the oligarchic structure of state power and restoring justice, which the judicial system is expected to guarantee independently of political influence.

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24 Chasa: Former caretaker prime minister in the governments of Rumen Radev, Galab Donev, is expected to become National Assembly Chair.

The speculation, circulating even before election day, was “made official” by Podkrepa Trade Union President Dimitar Manolov. Speaking to the Bulgarian National Radio, he predicted that Donev, who until January served as head of Radev’s presidential administration and later became co-chair of the Progressive Bulgaria coalition, would take the post.

“The good thing is that we know some of the people who will occupy these positions, and we have a general idea of what’s on their minds. One expectation was that Galab Donev would take over the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy, but it seems he will head parliament,” the trade union leader said in an interview. “Let’s see what kind of people will fill these positions. Their ideas are not clear, because those in the election programmes do not carry much weight. I attended their launch, and the programme contained too much eclecticism and unclear elements [and] governing cannot be done like that [as] it needs to be more concrete,” Manolov added.

If Galab Donev heads the National Assembly, it would break the recent tradition of the position being held by a woman.

However, if Rumen Radev ultimately opts for a female candidate, insiders suggest that lawyer Mihaela Dotsova could be chosen. She headed the Progressive Bulgaria list in Sofia’s 23rd multi-member constituency.

Dotsova, 42, holds a PhD in administrative law and administrative procedure and has experience in the state administration. Since 2017, her career has been linked to the Ministry of Environment and Water, where she heads the legal directorate. She has also served as chief secretary and head of the minister’s cabinet. Dotsova has worked as a legal expert in the administration of the National Assembly and is therefore well acquainted with its operations. However, due to her long-standing work in the Environment Ministry, some politicians see her as a suitable candidate for a ministerial post there.

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Mediapool: More than two-thirds of the case files on vote buying have been dismissed, according to prosecution statistics released on Monday. This is a traditional practice for the state prosecution service, where the number of reports typically exceeds several times the number of actual investigations opened.

In this case, over a four-week campaign period, the Ministry of Interior reported 3,021 case files. Of these, 2,283 were dismissed on the grounds of insufficient evidence of a crime or because the reports were anonymous. Still, 599 investigations were launched. However, this in no way guarantees convictions, let alone effective sentences. In most cases, such proceedings are either terminated or suspended. In those that do reach court, penalties are generally lenient.

Activity

In recent weeks, the Ministry of Interior has been extremely active in tackling vote buying and other election-related crimes. As of Sunday evening, 2,974 reports had been submitted to the police.

Authorities repeatedly described common schemes, including coercion through threats of removal from social programmes (such as personal assistance or free meal schemes), provision of firewood, direct vote buying, attempts to influence voters through the distribution of food aid, and claims that such aid was provided by a particular political party.

By the end of the campaign, the Interior Ministry reported that more than EUR 1 million intended for vote buying had been seized.

At the same time, caretaker Interior Minister Emil Dechev pointed to unusual actions by the prosecution service in some cases—for example, the one involving the head of a post office in Kardzhali (Southeast Bulgaria), who was arrested on suspicion of vote buying. On the same day, the same prosecutor first stated that there was sufficient evidence of a crime, then reversed their position completely in a second ruling, stating that additional evidence was needed.

After election day, Dechev also said there was information suggesting the involvement of Lom (on the Danube) Mayor Tsvetan Petrov in a vote-buying scheme. An audio recording circulated on social media allegedly captured Petrov offering EUR 50 per vote. Following Dechev’s statement, the mayor denied offering money.

Another case mentioned involved the seizure of EUR 200,000 during an operation in Varna (on the Black Sea). It is alleged that a municipal councillor from Provadia (Northeast Bulgaria) was involved in that scheme.

Wiretapping and immunity

During the campaign, the Interior Ministry requested the use of special surveillance methods 127 times, the prosecution service also said. The data do not indicate in how many cases such measures were approved.

It is clear, however, that there are 166 case files against individuals with immunity being handled by the Sofia City Prosecutor’s Office, which has sole jurisdiction over such cases. These concern reports against parliamentary candidates, who enjoy protection from arrest during the campaign.
Only six investigations have been opened from these case files.

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Rumen Radev embodies what the average Bulgarian thinks and wants—through his image, positions, and mindset, said Petyo Tsekov, deputy editor-in-chief of Sega, in a discussion of the election results on the programme “(O)pozitsiya.”

“What is the Bulgarian like? Someone who likes Russia but wants to be European. This duality in Bulgarians, this geopolitical split dating back to the time of Tsar Boris to the present, is perfectly visible in Rumen Radev—a person who throughout the campaign balanced between being a critic of European policy toward Russia and at the same time not straying too far from the country’s European image,” the journalist said.

According to him, with his current result, the former president has effectively been elected prime minister, as he will not need to seek a coalition. In addition to the government and parliament, with the expected changes in the Supreme Judicial Council of Bulgaria, he may also gain control over the judiciary, and by the end of the year help Iliana Iotova be elected president.

“And then we will fall into another extreme—we will realize that the executive, legislative, and judicial powers will be in Radev’s hands. Something we have been fighting against—the captured state and the model that Delyan Peevski and Boyko Borisov have built so far. Add media power to that, and the picture is complete,” the deputy editor-in-chief of “Sega” predicted.

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The outcome of Bulgaria’s snap elections has drawn attention in the European press. In an article for EUobserver, Jessica Moss of the Centre for European Policy argues that Rumen Radev’s victory is significant but does not make him comparable to Viktor Orban.

Radev’s new party, Progressive Bulgaria, is aiming for a parliamentary majority and has helped end a prolonged period of political instability marked by repeated elections and fragile coalitions. He presents himself as an anti-establishment figure promising to dismantle oligarchic governance and replace the old political model.

Moss notes that his rhetoric combines nationalist elements with appeals to voters disillusioned with traditional parties. At the same time, concerns exist in Brussels about Bulgaria’s future direction within the EU and NATO. Radev has taken positions that diverge from many European partners, including opposing military aid to Ukraine and calling for more pragmatic relations with Russia. His past remarks on Crimea contribute to perceptions of ambiguity.

According to Jessica Moss in EUobserver, however, this does not mean Radev will follow Viktor Orban’s confrontational approach. Bulgaria is more dependent on EU funding and its leaders generally avoid direct clashes with Brussels. Radev has also signalled that the country will remain on its European path, suggesting a more selective and pragmatic approach rather than regular confrontation.

Overall, Moss concludes in EUobserver that Radev may introduce greater ambiguity in Bulgaria’s foreign policy, but is unlikely to turn the country into a consistent source of conflict within the EU like Hungary under Orban.

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Bulgarian National TV: “Acting Prosecutor General Should Resign or Be Removed, EU Court Judge Says”

“If the acting prosecutor general does not resign on his own, he should simply be removed,” said Tatyana Zhilova, a judge at the Unified Patent Court of the EU, in an interview for the programme “The Day Begins.”

Zhilova also commented on possible future changes in the justice system following the formation of the new parliament, noting the need for a political majority of 160 votes and the clearer majority emerging after Sunday’s election.

“The strong public support gives hope that real change is possible. At the moment, we cannot speak of reform, but rather of change, because the flawed practices in the judicial system have spread to such an extent that returning to normality is now perceived as reform,” she said.

According to her, the focus will now be on the composition of the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC), particularly the so-called “public quota.” Zhilova said she prefers this term to “parliamentary quota,” as the election of the 11 SJC members chosen by parliament represents a form of public participation in the governance of the judiciary.

She stressed that the key task is to channel public trust into a recovery process that restores confidence in the judicial system. This, she argued, can only happen if society truly recognizes this quota as its own. It is necessary to define a clear profile for the candidates and to break the ties between influential politicians and the top levels of the judiciary.

“If we cannot find 11 individuals with strong moral integrity who are free from political dependencies, then we cannot speak of a true society,” she said, recalling an idea expressed by Petko Slaveykov 150 years ago.

Zhilova emphasized that morality should be the leading criterion in selecting these members, even above professionalism. “A moral person can compensate for minor professional shortcomings, but a professional with dependencies can cause damage that cannot later be repaired,” she said.

On the acting prosecutor general, Zhilova reiterated that he should be removed if he does not step down voluntarily. She described him as illegitimate and argued that his acts cannot withstand judicial scrutiny, posing a serious problem for both the system and specific cases.

In her view, responsibility for the current state of the judiciary lies with the Prosecutors’ Chamber and the Plenum of the SJC. The issue could be resolved either through the appointment of a new council or the election of a new prosecutor general, though she noted this would require several months to implement.

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A “perfect storm” emerged and Rumen Radev took advantage of it, political scientist Lyubomir Stefanov said in an interview for the Bulgarian National Radio (BNR).

“It is remarkable what we are witnessing, because after eight election cycles, Bulgarian citizens have had enough and decided they do not want ‘more of the same’,” he said.

More than 1.4 million Bulgarians have embraced Radev as a leader, but his outright parliamentary majority of 131 seats also carries risks, Stefanov warned.

“It creates comfort and, in practice, a lack of accountability in parliament, which is the first major risk.”

He added that it will be important not only who Radev appoints, but also what policies they pursue.
“This is the voters’ mandate – not simply to replace a semi-authoritarian model with a fully authoritarian one, but to see policies that serve the people.”

Stefanov also commented on one of Radev’s first stated intentions – replacing the acting prosecutor general and the Supreme Judicial Council.

He called on the CC-DB coalition to keep its promises to fight corruption. Ivaylo Mirchev and Asen Vasilev have said they will work to dismantle the “Borissov–Peevski” model.

“CC-DB cannot be accused of blocking or failing to start the process – the ball is in Radev’s court. Let us see what is on the table. Perhaps they will use each other – some to close a chapter of their past, others to begin writing their own.”

However, Stefanov noted Radev’s reluctance to form coalitions on key policies with other parties, particularly CC-DB. Still, if he aims to amend the Constitution and prepare the ground for future appointments, he may need broader support.

“Those hasty statements may come back to haunt him. One million four hundred thousand people are looking to him like a beacon. The responsibility is enormous.”

Stefanov described GERB as being in a “knockout” position after the elections. “They are down on the floor and effectively out of the match. Nothing depends on them now, except possibly constitutional amendments.”

He added that Boyko Borissov is unlikely to resign, instead waiting to see how the new government performs while preparing for future presidential and local elections.
Stefanov also pointed to an “anti-vote” affecting MRF and commented on the weak result of BSP, which failed to enter parliament for the first time.

“Krum Zarkov should not bear operational responsibility for a party he led for just two and a half months. He may deserve another electoral cycle of trust given the efforts he made.”

On the Vazrazhdane party, Stefanov said:“Kostadinov himself admitted it – he is too radical for broad appeal. He has shown he cannot come close to power. But his supporters wanted to see his ideas implemented, which is why they turned to Radev.”

Voter turnout reached only about 50 percent, which Stefanov attributed to a loss of habit among citizens to participate in elections.